Saturday, February 16, 2008


Jakarta: In Dire Need of Improvement

Andre Vltchek contributing editor
July 26, 2007

Today, high-rises dot the skyline, hundreds of thousands of
vehicles belch fumes on congested traffic arteries and super-malls
have become the cultural centers of gravity in Jakarta, the fourth
largest city in the world. In between towering super-structures,
humble kampongs house the majority of the city dwellers, who often
have no access to basic sanitation, running water or waste management.

While almost all major capitals in the Southeast Asian region
are investing heavily in public transportation, parks, playgrounds,
sidewalks and cultural institutions like museums, concert halls and
convention centers, Jakarta remains brutally and determinately
‘pro-market’ profit-driven and openly indifferent to the plight of a
majority of its citizens who are poor.

Most Jakartans have never left Indonesia, so they cannot
compare their capital with Kuala Lumpur or Singapore; with Hanoi or
Bangkok. Comparative statistics and reports hardly make it into the
local media. Despite the fact that the Indonesian capital is for many
foreign visitors a ‘hell on earth,’ the local media describes Jakarta
as “modern,” “cosmopolitan, ” and “a sprawling metropolis.”

Newcomers are often puzzled by Jakarta’s lack of public
amenities. Bangkok, not exactly known as a user-friendly city, still
has several beautiful parks. Even cash-strapped Port Moresby, capital
of Papua New Guinea, boasts wide promenades, playgrounds, long
stretches of beach and sea walks. Singapore and Kuala Lumpur compete
with each other in building wide sidewalks, green areas as well as
cultural establishments. Manila, another city without a glowing
reputation for its public amenities, has succeeded in constructing an
impressive sea promenade dotted with countless cafes and entertainment
venues while preserving its World Heritage Site at Intramuros. Hanoi
repaved its wide sidewalks and turned a park around Huan-Kiem Lake
into an open-air sculpture museum.

But in Jakarta, there is a fee for everything. Many green
spaces have been converted to golf courses for the exclusive use of
the rich. The approximately one square kilometer of Monas seems to be
the only real public area in a city of more than 10 million. Despite
being a maritime city, Jakarta has been separated from the sea, with
the only focal point being Ancol, with a tiny, mostly decrepit walkway
along the dirty beach dotted with private businesses.

Even to take a walk in Ancol, a family of four has to spend
approximately $4.50 (40,000 Indonesian Rupiahs) in entrance fees,
something unthinkable anywhere else in the world. The few tiny public
parks which survived privatization are in desperate condition and
mostly unsafe to use.

There are no sidewalks in the entire city, if one applies
international standards to the word “sidewalk.” Almost anywhere in the
world (with the striking exception of some cities in the United
States, like Houston and Los Angeles) the cities themselves belong to
pedestrians. Cars are increasingly discouraged from traveling in the
city centers. Wide sidewalks are understood to be the most ecological,
healthy and efficient forms of short-distance public transportation in
areas with high concentrations of people.

In Jakarta, there are hardly any benches for people to sit and
relax, and no free drinking water fountains or public toilets. It is
these small, but important, ‘details’ that are symbols of urban life
anywhere else in the world.

Most world cities, including those in the region, want to be
visited and remembered for their culture. Singapore is managing to
change its ’shop-till-you- drop’ image to that of the center of
Southeast Asian arts. The monumental Esplanade Theatre has reshaped
the skyline, offering first-rate international concerts in classical
music, opera, ballet, and also featuring performances from some of the
leading contemporary artists from the region. Many performances are
subsidized and are either free or cheap, relative to the high incomes
in the city-state.

Kuala Lumpur spent $100 million on its philharmonic concert
hall, which is located right under the Petronas Towers, among the
tallest buildings in the world. This impressive and prestigious
concert hall hosts local orchestra companies as well top international
performers. The city is currently spending further millions to
refurbish its museums and galleries, from the National Museum to the
National Art Gallery.

Hanoi is proud of its culture and arts, which are promoted as
its major attraction millions of visitors flock into the city to
visit countless galleries stocked with canvases, which can be easily
described as some of the best in Southeast Asia. Its beautifully
restored Opera House regularly offers Western and Asian music treats.

Bangkok’s colossal temples and palaces coexist with extremely
cosmopolitan fare international theater and film festivals,
countless performances, jazz clubs with local and foreign artists on
the bill, as well as authentic culinary delights from all corners of
the world. When it comes to music, live performances and nightlife,
there is no city in Southeast Asia as vibrant as Manila.

Now back to Jakarta. Those who have ever visited the city’s
‘public libraries’ or National Archives building will know the
difference. No wonder; in Indonesia education, culture and arts are
not considered to be ‘profitable’ (with the exception of pop music),
and are therefore made absolutely irrelevant. The country spends the
third lowest amount in the world on education (according to The
Economist, only1.2 percent of its GDP) after Equatorial Guinea and
Ecuador (there the situation is now rapidly improving with the new
progressive government).

Museums in Jakarta are in appalling condition, offering
absolutely no important international exhibitions. They look like they
fell on the city from a different era and no wonder the Dutch built
almost all of them. Not only are their collections poorly kept, but
they lack elements of modernity there are no elegant cafes, museum
shops, bookstores or even public archives. It appears that the
individuals running them are without vision and creativity. However,
even if they did have inspired ideas, there would be no funding to
carry them out.

It seems that Jakarta has no city planners, only private
developers that have no respect for the majority of its inhabitants
who are poor (the great majority, no matter what the understated and
manipulated government statistics say). The city abandoned itself to
the private sector, which now controls almost everything, from
residential housing to what were once public areas.

While Singapore decades ago, and Kuala Lumpur recently,
managed to fully eradicate poor, unsanitary and depressing kampongs
from their urban areas, Jakarta is unable or unwilling to offer its
citizens subsidized, affordable housing equipped with running water,
electricity, a sewage system, wastewater treatment facilities,
playgrounds, parks, sidewalks and a mass public transportation system.

Rich Singapore aside, Kuala Lumpur with only 2 million
inhabitants boasts one metro line (Putra Line), one monorail, several
efficient Star LRT lines, suburban train links and high-speed rail
system connecting the city with its new capital Putrajaya. The “Rapid”
system counts on hundreds of modern, clean and air-conditioned buses.
Transit is subsidized; a bus ticket on “Rapid” costs only $.60 (2
Malaysian Ringgits) for unlimited day use on the same line. Heavily
discounted daily and monthly passes are also available.

Bangkok contracted German firm Siemens to build two long “Sky
Train” lines and one metro line. It is also utilizing its river and
channels as both public transportation and as a tourist attraction.
Despite this enormous progress, the Bangkok city administration claims
that it is building an additional 50 miles (80 kilometers) of tracks
for these systems in order to convince citizens to leave their cars at
home and use public transportation.
Polluting pre-historic buses are being banned from Hanoi,
Singapore, Kuala Lumpur and gradually from Bangkok. Jakarta, thanks to
corruption and phlegmatic officials, is in its own league even in this

Mercer Human Resource Consulting, in its reports covering
quality of life, places Jakarta repeatedly on the level of poor
African and South Asian cities, below metropolises like Nairobi and

Considering that it is in the league with some of the poorest
capitals of the world, Jakarta is not cheap. According to the Mercer
Human Resource Consulting 2006 Survey, Jakarta ranked as the 48th most
expensive city in the world for expatriate employees, well above
Berlin (72nd), Melbourne (74th) and Washington D.C. (83rd). And if it
is expensive for expatriates, how is it for local people with a GDP
per capita below $1,000?

Curiously, Jakartans are silent. They have become inured to
appalling air quality just as they have gotten used to the sight of
children begging, even selling themselves at the major intersections;
to entire communities living under elevated highways and in slums on
the shores of canals turned into toxic waste dumps; to the hours-long
commutes; to floods and rats.

But if there is to be any hope, the truth has to eventually be
told, and the sooner the better. Only a realistic and brutal diagnosis
can lead to treatment and a cure. As painful as the truth can be, it
is always better than self-deceptions and lies.
Jakarta has fallen decades behind capitals in the neighboring
countries in esthetics, housing, urban planning, standard of living,
quality of life, health, education, culture, transportation, food
quality and hygiene. It has to swallow its pride and learn from Kuala
Lumpur, Singapore, Brisbane and even in some instances from its poorer
neighbors like Port Moresby, Manila and Hanoi.

Comparative statistics have to be transparent and widely
available. Citizens have to learn how to ask questions again, and how
to demand answers and accountability. Only if they understand to what
depths their city has sunk can there be any hope of change.
“We have to watch out,” said a concerned Malaysian filmmaker
during New Year’s Eve celebrations in Kuala Lumpur. “Malaysia suddenly
has too many problems. If we are not careful, Kuala Lumpur could end
up in 20 or 30 years like Jakarta!”

Could this statement be reversed? Can Jakarta find the
strength and solidarity to mobilize in time catch up with Kuala
Lumpur? Can decency overcome greed? Can corruption be eradicated and
replaced by creativity? Can private villas shrink in size and green
spaces, public housing, playgrounds, libraries, schools and hospitals

An outsider like me can observe, tell the story and ask
questions. Only the people of Jakarta can offer the answers and
———— ——— ——— ——— ——— ——— -
Andre Vltchek: novelist, journalist and filmmaker, co-founder of
Mainstay Press (www.mainstaypress. org) publishing house for political
fiction. His recent books include novel ‘Point of No Return‘ and a
book of political essays ‘Western Terror: From Potosi to Baghdad’ as
well as ‘Exile’ with Pramoedya Ananta Toer and Rossie Indira. He
produced 90 minutes documentary film about Suharto’s dictatorship and
its impact on present-day Indonesia ‘Terlena : Breaking of a Nation’
) www.millache. org) and wrote political drama ‘Ghosts of Valparaiso’.
Senior fellow at Oakland Institute (www.oaklandinstitu he
lives and works in Southeast Asia and South Pacific and can be reached
at:andre-wcn@ usa. net

Sunday, February 03, 2008

Habibie, Murid KKN Suharto yang "Terpintar"

George J. Aditjondro:

Mohon disampaikan pada kawan-kawan mahasiswa

Habibie, murid "KKN" Suharto yang terpintar
George J. Aditjondro
Newcastle, 25 Maret 1998

Atas permintaan kawan-kawan di Indonesia, berikut ini saya cuplik
bagian tentang BJH dari tulisan saya yang terbaru berjudul, "Adili
Suharto! Tuntut pertanggungjawaban kekayaan 100-an yayasannya!".
Selamat membaca. GJA.

Sembilan Yayasan Habibie:
Dalam kelompok ketujuh termasuk yayasan-yayasan yang kini dikuasai
secara tidak langsung oleh Suharto melalui "presiden boneka", B.J.
Habibie, lewat lima jalur: teknologi, ICMI, para alumni Jerman,
Sulawesi, dan Batam.

Pertama-tama, sejak 1984 Habibie menjabat sebagai Ketua Dewan
Pembina Yayasan Pengembangan Teknologi Indonesia. Yayasan ini
selalu disebut-sebut dalam berbagai biografi Habibie (Salam, 1987;
Makka, 1986), tanpa uraian apa sesungguhnya yang sudah dilakukan
yayasan itu. Makanya sekaranglah saatnya meminta
pertanggungjawaban yayasan, yang mungkin sudah mendapatkan
sejumlah uang rakyat dari BPPT atau badan lain yang dikuasai
Habibie. Apalagi mengingat bahwa dana reboisasi pun dapat
dimanfaatkan Habibie untuk pabrik pesawat terbangnya, dengan restu
bekas Presiden Suharto.

Kedua, sebagai bekas Ketua Umum ICMI, jabatan yang secara resmi
belum diganti lewat sebuah kongres, Habibie masih dapat
menggunakan berbagai organ ICMI untuk memobilisasi dukungan bagi
Suharto. Makanya, lewat ICMI, yang kini dipimpin bekas koruptor
Bulog, Achmad Tirtosudiro, orang kepercayaan Suharto sejak zaman
Kolognas yang sama korupnya (Crouch, 1988: 278-281), Suharto
menguasai Yayasan Abdi Bangsa, pemilik PT Abdi Bangsa yang
menerbitkan harian Republika dan majalah Ummat, di mana Suharto
menjadi pelindung, Yayasan Amal Abadi Beasiswa Orangtua Bimbing
Terpadu (ORBIT) yang diketuai dr. Nyonya Hasri Ainun Habibie, dan
Yayasan Dompet Dhuafa Republika (Prospek , 19 Des. 1992: 34).

Peranan dan kekayaan kedua yayasan terakhir ini tak dapat
diremehkan, dan sangat terkait dengan yayasan-yayasan yang
dikuasai Suharto secara langsung. Di kalangan wartawan Muslim di
Jakarta, Yayasan Orbit cukup dikenal, karena yayasan itu dapat
memberi rekomendasi potongan harga tiket pesawat dan berbagai
kemudahan lain. Di awal 1996, Yayasan Orbit telah berhasil mengisi
koceknya sejumlah dua milyar rupiah dengan merogoh kas semua bank
pemerintah (Bapindo, BRI, Bank Exim, BDN, BBD, BTN, dan BNI 46),
serta sejumlah bank swasta, yakni Bank Anrico (yang baru saja
dibubarkan), Bank Bukopin, Bank Intan, Bank Muamallat, Bank
Nasional, Bank Nusa, dan Bank Papan Sejahtera. Di awal 1996
itu, kerjasama sedang dijajaki dengan sepuluh bank swasta lain,
seperti Bank Angkasa, Bank Duta, Bank Danamon, Bank Dwipa, BCA,
BII, Bank Lippo, Bank Universal, Bank Victoria, dan Bank Umum
Nasional (Jawa Pos , 24 April 1996; Forum Keadilan , 1 Jan. 1996:

Seperti yang kita ketahui, BCA, Bank Danamon, Bukopin, Bank Duta,
BUN, Bank Papan Sejahtera, dan Bank Universal, dikuasai oleh klik
Suharto melalui keluarga Liem Sioe Liong, tiga anak Suharto
(Tutut, Sigit, dan Titiek), Bob Hasan, dan keluarga
Djojohadikusumo. Makanya, semakin banyak tumpah tindih kekayaan
yayasan Suharto yang satu dengan yang lain, melalui kegiatan
pencarian dana Yayasan Orbit ini.

Yayasan Dompet Dhuafa Republika, lebih kaya lagi, karena di tahun
1996 yayasan ini telah berhasil meraup fulus sebesar Rp 4 milyar
dari sejumlah donor yang tak diidentifikasi (Forum Keadilan , 8
Sept. 1997: 97).

Kekuasaan Habibie -- sebagai tangan kanan Suharto -- di
yayasan-yayasan ICMI sangat besar. Dialah yang mencoret Parni Hadi
dari jabatan Direktur Produksi PT Abdi Bangsa, dan menggolkan
Beddu Amang yang juga Bendahara ICMI dan Ketua Presidium KAHMI
(Keluarga Alumni HMI), menjadi komisaris perusahaan penerbit
harian Republika itu, sekaligus Ketua Yayasan Abdi Bangsa.
Dengan demikian, klik pendukung Suharto di lingkungan ICMI juga
semakin solid. Sebab Beddu Amang juga komisaris perusahaan
keluarga Bustanil Arifin, PT Bormindo Nusantara, bersama A.R.
Ramly yang juga salah seorang komisaris PT Astra International
(Jakarta Post, 18 Febr. 1994;Forum Keadilan , 8 Sept. 1997: 97).

Kemudian, lewat Habibie sebagai patron para sarjana lulusan
Jerman, Suharto akan semakin kuat mempengaruhi Yayasan Bina Bhakti
(YBB). Yayasan ini didirikan di bulan Oktober 1977 oleh para
alumni Jerman, yang pada awalnya bertujuan membantu realisasi
program re-integrasi. "Untuk mempermudah mahasiswa kita yang studi
di Jerman mengabdikan dirinya untuk negara, sekembalinya ke tanah
air," begitu ujar Lilik D. Susbiantoro, Ketua Dewan YBB pada
majalah Prospek , 6 Oktober 1990.

Dalam upaya membantu proses reintegrasi itu, YBB menyajikan
sejumlah tawaran bagi para alumni Jerman, a.l. menghubungkan
mereka dengan perusahaan atau instansi yang membutuhkan tenaga dan
keahlian mereka. Lantas, Business Circle YBB, menurut ketuanya,
Faisal Djalal, merupakan wadah para alumni Jerman yang terjun ke
dunia wiraswasta (Prospek , 9 Okt. 1990: 33).

Lalu, lewat Habibie sebagai putera Sulawesi, khususnya Sulawesi
Utara, Suharto dapat meraih simpati masyarakat propinsi itu lewat
Yayasan Pengembangan Wallacea. Yayasan ini, selain didukung
Habibie, juga didukung Ibnu Sutowo, ketua umum yayasan itu. Salah
satu "proyek" yayasan ini adalah pendirian sebuah universitas di
ibukota kabupaten Bolaang-Mongondow, sebagai pusat riset kawasan
fauna dan flora Wallacea yang terwakili di Taman Nasional Nani
Bogane Wartabone seluas 325 ribu Ha (Teknologi, Des. 1994: 74;
sumber-sumber lain).

Akhirnya, lewat kekuasaan keluarga Habibie di Pulau Batam,
keluarga Suharto juga dapat 'kecipratan' monopoli pengelolaan
rumah sakit dan sekolah-sekolah di pulau itu. Monopoli tidak resmi
ini dipegang oleh Yayasan Keluarga Batam, yang diketuai Nyonya Sri
Rejeki Habibie, adik B.J. Habibie yang menikah dengan Mayor
Jenderal (Purn.) Sudarsono Dharmo-suwito. Bekas kepala BIDA (Batam
Industrial Development Authority) (1978 -1988) yang bernaung di
bawah Otorita Batam, yang masih menjabat sebagai Ketua KADIN Batam
yang kekuasaannya secara politis melebihi Camat.

Ketua Otorita Batam sendiri, sejak B.J. (Rudy) Habibie diangkat
menjadi Wakil Presiden, dilimpahkan kepada adiknya, J.E. (Fanny)
Habibie. Bekas Dubes RI di London itu sebelumnya menjabat sebagai
Dirjen Perhubungan Laut di masa tragedi Tampomas II tahun 1981,
yang menenggelamkan sekurang-kurangnya 800 orang (Tempo, 21 Febr,
1981: 13;Kompas , 27 Maret 1998).

Yayasan lain yang beroperasi di Pulau Batam, yang saya duga punya
kaitan dengan keluarga Habibie adalah Yayasan Merah-Putih. Bulan
Oktober 1995, yayasan itu menyelenggarakan turnamen golf piala
Nyonya Tien Suharto di pulau itu. Alasannya adalah untuk
mempererat kerjasama antara Indonesia, Singapura, dan Malaysia.

Akhirnya, jangan kita lupa yayasan pengelola Poliklinik Baruna
yang diasuh bekas aktivis mahasiswa 1974, dokter Hariman Siregar.
Pelindung poliklinik itu adalah Fanny Habibie, kakak kandung Rudy
Habibie. Berkat kedekatannya dengan pusat kekuasaan ini, Hariman
seringkali dimanfaatkan oleh para aktivis 1966, untuk membuat
"deal" dengan kalangan militer.

Ketika polisi juga diperalat tentara dan Suharto untuk menyeret
saya ke pengadilan, beberapa tahun lalu, Ketua YLBHI waktu itu,
Adnan Buyung Nasution menawarkan saya untuk membuat "deal" dengan
tentara, melalui Hariman Siregar, supaya tuduhan "menghina aparat
pemerintah" yang bakal dikenakan Kejaksaan Tinggi DIY pada saya
dapat didrop. Namun saya menolak tawaran itu, dan berusaha lolos
dari jaringan aparat pelacuran hukum di Indonesia, dengan bantuan
kawan-kawan akademisi di Australia.

Kerajaan bisnis Timmy Habibie, dari telekomunikasi s/d babi:

Kembali ke yayasan-yayasan Habibie, yayasan-yayasan ini penting
dibeberkan laporan keuangannya secara terbuka, untuk membantu
pemantauan kekayaan keluarga Suharto. Soalnya, kekayaan kedua
keluarga itu begitu bertumpang-tindih. Baik di Batam dan
pulau-pulau sekitarnya, misalnya di Pulau Bulan, tempat operasi
peternakan babi dan buaya serta perkebunan sayur dan anggrek milik
PT Sinar Culindo Perkasa yang mengekspor 10% kebutuhan babi hidup
kota Singapura. Pemegang saham perusahaan itu adalah Anthony
Salim, putera mahkota kelompok Salim, bersama Tommy Suharto, Timmy
Habibie, dan Harry Murdani, abang bekas panglima ABRI dan
pembantai rakyat Timor Leste, Jenderal (Purn.) Benny Murdani.

Di luar Batam, kelompok Timsco pimpinan Timmy Habibie, adik
laki-laki Rudy Habibie yang termuda, berkongsi dengan Tutut dalam
bisnis telekomunikasi lewat PT Citra Telekomunikasi Indonesia, PT
Lucent Technologies, di bidang pemetaan udara lewat PT
Aerogeohydro Infosystem, dan dalam proyek raksasa Manggarai (yang
batal karena krisis moneter saat ini) lewat Konsorsium Manggarai
Permuka, di mana Timmy Habibie diikutsertakan lewat perusahaannya,
PT Suhamthabie Utama.

Timsco juga berkongsi dengan kelompok Bimantara, Salim, Sinar Mas,
Barito Pacific, dan Aneka Guna Kimia dalam sejumlah industri kimia
dan agro-bisnis, punya omset Rp 640 milyar di tahun 1995. Isteri
Fanny Habibie juga pemegang saham utama PT Timsco, sementara
anak-anak dan beberapa orang saudara kandung Rudy Habibie
menguasai saham sejumlah anak perusahaan Timsco. Kelompok itu kini
terdiri dari sekitar 70 perusahaan.

Barangkali akibat kedekatan antara keluarga Suharto dan Habibie,
Bob Hasan termasuk pemegang saham paling awal di pulau itu,
berpatungan dengan maskapai AS McDermott International. Tidak cuma
itu. Setelah kasino Copacabana di Ancol ditutup, bulan April 1981,
lantaran oposisi umat Islam, seorang adik Nyonya Tien Suharto,
Mayor Jenderal (Purn.) Ibnu Hartomo, bekas Dirjen Bantuan Sosial
Depsos, pernah mencoba membuka kasino baru di pulau itu. Tapi
karena oposisi dari Singapura, kasino itupun ditutup.

Repindo Panca dan PT Prodin:

Kekuasaan keluarga Habibie atas peluang-peluang bisnis di Pulau
Batam dan IPTN kini sudah 'menurun' ke generasi kedua. Thariq
Kemal Habibie, putera bungsu Rudy Habibie, sudah menjadi presdir
konglomerat keluarga Habibie yang baru, Repindo Panca Group, yang
berkantor pusat di Jakarta dengan cabang di Braunschweig, Jerman.
Untuk menarik dukungan ABRI, Ketua Fraksi ABRI di DPR-RI waktu
itu, Marsekal Udara Abu Hartono, diangkat menjadi Presiden
Komisaris Repindo Panca. Sang preskom itu sekarang bertugas
sebagai Dubes RI di Manila, dan aktif memantau satu seminar
internasional tentang korupsi yang dihadiri oleh sejumlah aktivis
pers alternatif dari Indonesia.

Entah atas nama perusahaan yang mana, Thareq telah membangun Hotel
Melia Panorama di Pulau Batam, bersama saudara sepupunya, Harry
Sudarsono. Sementara isteri Timmy Habibie, memegang monopoli
perusahaan taksi di Pulau Batam. Batam memang merupakan "sorga"
bagi keluarga besar Habibie, di mana mereka telah membangun satu
rumah peristirahatan yang mewah di atas bukit Nongsa, lengkap
dengan helipad segala, dari mana pemandangan ke kota Singapura
terlihat cantik.

Di luar Batam, Thareq Kemal Habibie juga telah mendapat
kepercayaan IPTN dan sejumlah konglomerat swasta untuk memimpin PT
Prodin, yang punya spesialisasi menyelenggarakan pameran-pameran
dagang produk Indonesia, khususnya pesawat terbang. PT Prodin ini
merupakan konsorsium antara berbagai konglomerat di Indonesia,
seperti Salim, Sinar Mas, dan Bakrie Bersaudara.

The Mochdar-Yayuk connection:

Ada lagi satu hubungan bisnis dan kekeluargaan baru yang telah
terjalin antara bisnis keluarga Suharto dan keluarga Habibie. Aziz
Mochdar, adalah salah seorang pemegang saham inti kelompok
Bimantara, yang menguasai 30% saham PT Aqualindo Mitra Industri,
30% saham PT Duta Nusabina Lestari, 25% saham PT Montrose Pestindo
Nusantara, 10% saham PT Kapsulindo Nusantara, 20% saham PT Citra
Servicatama, 20% saham PT Surya Citra Televisi (SCTV), 10% saham
PT Panji Rama Otomotif, serta 5% saham PY Bimagraha Telekomindo,
yang pada gilirannya merupakan pemegang saham PT Satelindo.

Sementara itu, Muchsin Mochdar, adik Aziz Mochdar yang baru
menikah dengan Siti Rahayu Fatimah, adik bungsu Rudy Habibie,
sudah jadi konglomerat sendiri dengan menguasai 14 perusahaan.
Mereka mempunyai sebuah bengkel mobil mewah dan perkebunan jeruk
seluas 200 Ha di Australia, serta rumah-rumah di Muenchen, Jerman,
di mana mereka tinggal jika salah seorang di antara anggota
keluarga besar Mochdar-Habibie itu akan melahirkan anak.
Beberapa bulan yang lalu, mereka berlibur di Swiss setelah
melakukan umroh, dengan menyewa beberapa chalet (rumah
peristirahatan) sambil tetap melakukan puasa.

Aziz Mochdar dan adik iparnya, Yayuk Habibie, sama-sama pemegang
saham perusahaan perjalanan kelompok Bimantara, yakni PT Nusa
Tours & Travel.

Muchsin Mochdar adalah seorang duda yang berkenalan dengan Yayuk,
pada saat mengerjakan Jakarta Fair di Monas pada tahun 1980-an.
Perusahaan pertama yang ia dirikan adalah PT Citra Harapan Abadi
yang bergerak di bidang general contracting . Melalui perusahaan
ini ia bersama Rocky Sukendar (putera Suwoto Sukendar) dan Tommy
Suharto membawa masuk kontraktor Korea, Hyundai Engineering, untuk
mengerjakan landas pacu bandara-bandara di Indonesia. Bisnis
mereka yang lain adalah ground handling bandara.

Menurut sumber saya di Jakarta, keuntungan yang mereka pungut
selalu dinaikkan lima kali lipat untuk kemudian dinegosiasi jadi
empat kali lipat. Kalau tidak percaya, silakan cek sendiri di
kantor konsorsium mereka di Jalan Irian di kawasan Menteng, di
mana suami baru Yayuk Habibie berkantor di gedung Mochdar Sendana
Co., atau di kantor Yayuk Habibie di gedung baru Group Perindo di
Jalan Warung Buncit Raya, setelah ia pindah dari kantor lamanya di
Wisma Metropolitan I, dari mana ia beroperasi sebagai perwakilan
maskapai raksasa Jerman, Ferrostahl, yang banyak memupuk korupsi
di Pertamina dan Krakatau Steel.

Semua itu tadi, belumlah perusahaan-perusahaan yang dipegang oleh
para keponakan Habibie dari kakak perempuannya yang menikah dengan
Jenderal Subono Mantofani. Adrie, Syulie, dan Askar Subono serta
Eddy Wirija masih memegang sejumlah perusahaan lain, di luar
Timsco dan Repindo Panca.

Nepotisme di BPPT:

Untuk nepotisme Habibie dalam mengelola BPPT serta proyek-proyek
yang diawasi BPPT, saya kutipkan tulisan Prof. Jeffrey Winters
dari Northwestern University di Chicago, AS, yang baru ditulis di
Jakarta, 1 Maret lalu, dan dipasang di email buletin, Sabtu yang

"According to officials I interviewed at BPPT working on the team
overseeing the rich oil and gas deposits in the Natuna Sea (Mobil
and Exxon are the main partners with Indonesia in the venture),
notifications went out late in 1996 for bids by contractors and
engineering firms for work on the Natuna project. By early 1997,
all the tenders had been assessed and the winning companies had
already been selected and notified. The only remaining step was
that the companies had to complete their environmental impact
studies, as required by Indonesian environmental law.

The work of the Natuna team at BPPT was thrown into disarray when
a letter came down directly from B.J. Habibie instructing the team
to involve Thareq's company, PT Repindo [Panca], in the Natuna
project. The problem was, PT Repindo had not even participated in
the tender, and the other companies that had already been awarded
the contracts were well aware of this.

Trulyanti Sutrasno is the daughter of BJ Habibie's older sister.
Known as the "iron lady" of BPPT and, according to my sources
inside the government unit, "disliked by 99.99 percent of BPPT
employees," Trulyanti was handed the post of Deputy for
Administration of BPPT. She is infamous for producing inflated
budgets for all BPPT operations she handles. Her office, as well
as several bureaus directly under her supervision - especially the
Biro Perencanaan (Bureau for Planning) - are collectively referred
to by BPPT employees as "The Mafia" for their activities, which,
my sources report, "consume most of BPPT's budget and technical

Trulyanti's husband, Sutrasno, was awarded contracts running into
the tens of millions of dollars to furnish BPPT's new building,
which was recently completed. Sutrasno also owns the company
awarded the contract to renovate the old BPPT building. This was
also worth many millions of dollars.

Leaving nothing to outsiders, Trulyanti and her husband also are
major shareholders in two catering companies, PT Amelia and PT
Pasar Minggu, that have exclusive contracts to cater all BPPT
functions - from meetings, to workshops, to seminars, to the
employee's canteen."

Barangkali, yang belum dipantau Jeff Winters adalah makalah saya
tentang rencana PLTN Indonesia, yang saya tulis untuk konferensi
Greenpeace International dan INFID di Sydney, di hari ulangtahun
bencana Chernobyl, dua tahun lalu. Di situ saya menulis
(Aditjondro, 1996), bahwa: "Members of the Habibie 'clan' have
also began to penetrate the Australian market. For instance,
BPPT's deputy chief for administration, Trulyanti ("Truly")
Sutrasno, who also heads the agency's prestigious joint venture
with Australian major research institutions, COSTAI (Collaboration
in Science and Technology between Australia and Indonesia)
(Teknologi , Jan. 195: 44-45), is also a niece of Rudy Habibie.
This reflects the important trust which the Minister has put in
his niece, a psychologist, as well as her husband.

After his marriage Truly, Mohammad Ridwan, a young geology
engineer, obtained commissioner and director positions in some
member companies of the Timsco Group which is headed by the
Minister's youngest brother, Suyatim ("Timmy") Abdulrachman
Habibie, and the wife of another brother, Junus Effendi ("Fanny")
Habibie (Wibisono, 1995: 32)."

Menutup-nutupi skandal Tampomas:

Manipulasi jabatan Rudy Habibie untuk melindungi kakak kandungnya,
Fanny Habibie, dari pemeriksaan sehubungan dengan skandal
Tampomas, yang merenggut nyawa 775 manusia, sudah saya ungkapkan
pula dalam makalah di Sydney (Aditjondro, 1996), sebagai berikut:
"As Secretary to the Director General of Sea Communication, Fanny
headed the team that had purchased a 10-year old passenger ship,
renamed the Tampomas II , from its previous Japanese owner. This
scandal might have not been known publicly, if it had not sank in
the Java Sea on January 27, 1981, killing 775 of its 1154
passengers. This scandal was strongly covered up by the
government, despite demands from parliamentarians to investigate
the matter.

In a special hearing hold to discuss this matter, the
Communication Minister refused to show the parliamentarians a
World Bank report which explained the details of the purchase of
the US$ 8.5 million junk ship. Also, despite a promise from the
Attorney General to the parliamentarians to take legal actions
about the reported malpractices, only five surviving crew members
were suspended by the Maritime Court, who were the only ones
to be blamed for the mishap (Indonesian Observer , Febr. 7-June 2,
1981; Independen , No. 10, 1995: 9).

A ship broker, Gregorius Hendra, who had fixed the deal between
the former Japanese owner and the Indonesian government, was
eventually interrogated by the Attorney General's staff. This
previously unknown businessman seemed to have had his own
connections, because he had previously made a fortune from selling
landing crafts to the Indonesian Navy to be used in East
Timor. That was probably why he was let off the hook (Tempo , Aug.
15, 1981: 60-61).

Fanny himself came unharmed out of the Tampomas II scandal, was
promoted to become the Sea Communications Director General
himself, where he made a crucial decision to scrap all
Indonesian-owned ships over 25 years and sold to PT Krakatau Steel
for fixed prices, considerably below the going international rate
(FEER, Sept. 15, 1988: 84). He eventually became Indonesia's
Ambassador to the UK, from where he helped to promote the
family's business interests, until his term ended last year."

Orang inilah yang sekarang menggantikan posisi Rudy Habibie,
sebagai kepala Otorita Batam, setelah Fanny Habibie membantu
Yayasan Tiaranya Tutut melakukan diplomasi Timor Leste, dengan
merangkul sebagian oportunis Timor Leste di Dili, Jakarta, dan
Portugal (Aditjondro, 1996b, 1997; Bayangkan, manipulasi apa lagi
yang akan dilakukannya, kalau Habibie kita biarkan berkuasa.

Nepotisme Habibie - Maulani:
Akhirnya, "KKN" (korupsi, kolusi, nepotisme) Habibie juga terlihat
dari pengangkatan besan kakaknya, Mayor Jenderal (Purn.) Zein
Maulani, menjadi staf ahlinya. Olga, anak Jenderal Zein Maulani
yang staf ahli Habibie itu, menikah dengan Cipto, anak Jenderal
Sudarsono Dharmosuwito, "boss" bisnis di Pulau Batam. Ini semakin
mempererat hubungan bisnis antara keluarga Maulani dengan keluarga

Seorang menantu Maulani, Eko (suami anak ketiga) berbisnis dengan
Nugi, anak Fanny Habibie yang kini jadi kepala Otorita Batam
menggantikan adiknya. Ironisnya, dulunya klan Habibie tidak
merestui perkawinan Olga dengan Cipto, namun setelah jadi Wakil
Presiden dan kemudian ketiban pulung jadi Presiden, Rudy Habibie
berbalik merangkul jenderal purnawirawan yang terkenal cerdas dan
kritis ini, bahkana ikut mengfasilitasi "perkawinan bisnis" antara
keluarga besar Habibie dengan keluarga besar Maulani.

Penyakit nepotisme itu memang sudah lama menghinggapi diri Zein A.
Maulani. Ketika ia masih menjadi Sekjen Departemen Transmigrasi di
bawah Siswono Yudo Husodo, yang "kebetulan" diangkat jadi Kakanwil
Transmigrasi Sulawesi Selatan adalah seorang duda yang menikah
dengan adik perempuan Maulani. Walhasil, perusahaan Eko dan Nugi
banyak mendapat proyek transmigrasi di Sul-Sel, di samping
proyek-proyek dermaga berkat koneksi dengan Fanny Habibie yang
waktu itu masih Dirjen Perhubungan Laut.

Di masa itu pula putera sulung Zein, Haryogi Maulani, yang mulai
membangun kelompok Balisani dengan menggarap "lahan tidur" milik
transmigran di Sum-Sel, kemudian merambah ke perkebunan kepala
sawit dan bisnis perhotelan di Bali dan Fiji, sehingga pada usia
31 tahun konglomeratnya sudah punya aset bernilai Rp 800 milyar.

Nepotisme itu "ditebus" dengan "upeti" Maulani dan Siswono pada
Suharto, berupa pemberian proyek penggarapan lahan tidur
transmigran seluas 80 ribu Ha kepada sang cucu tercinta, Ari Haryo

Bisnis perusahaan Eko dan Nugi yang lain tidak begitu jelas.
Menurut sumber saya, kantor perusahaan mereka di Blok S, Kebayoran
Baru, "isinya cuma nona-nona cantik yang ke luar masuk"

Demikianlah kisah hubungan bisnis dan jaringan "KKN" yang begitu
mesra antara keluarga besar Suharto, Habibie, dan Maulani.

Nah, masih perlukah data lain bagi Amien Rais, sebelum dia
mencabut dukungan bersyaratnya bagi Habibie?

(sumber: Wibisono, 1995; Smith, 1996; Aditjondro, 1996a, 1996b,
1997, 1998a, 1998b; CISI, 1997: 290A-291B; Hiscock, 1998; Winters,
1998; Company Profile Repindo Panca Group 1994; Indonesia Business
Weekly , 27 May 1994;Warta Ekonomi , 13 Juni 1994: 26, 23 Jan.
1995: 28, 24 Mei 1993: 27, 7 Mei 1993: 24, 10 Mei 1993: 11;
Gatra, 17 Des. 1994: 40; Republika , 24 Juni 1995; Forum Keadilan
, 31 Juli 1995: 92; Swa, Nov. 1993: 36-37, Agustus 1995: 18,
39-45, 54;Target , 25 Juni-1 Juli 1996: 22-23; Tajuk , 1 Agustus
1996: 51; sumber-sumber lain).

Newcastle, 25 Maret 1998

Aditjondro, G.J. (1996a). On the brink of a major constitutional,
economic and ecological disaster: the major implications of
Indonesia's nuclear ambitions. Makalah untuk konferensi
International NGO Forum on Indonesian Development (INFID) dan
Greenpeace International. Sydney, 24 April.
---------------- (1996b). "Big carrots used in Indonesia's
diplomatic policy on East Timor," The Nation, Bangkok, Monday, 14
--------------- (1997). "Suharto and his family: the looting of
East Timor," Green Left Weekly, 3 Sept.
--------------- (1998a). "Suharto & sons: crony capitalism,
Suharto style," Washington Post, 25 Jan.
-----------------(1998b). "Autumn of the patriarch: the Suharto
grip on Indonesia's wealth," Multinational Monitor , Jan.-Febr.,
pp. 17-20, 34. CISI (1997). Profiles of 800 major non-financial
companies in Indonesia, 1997/1998. Jakarta: PT CISI Raya Utama.
Crouch, Harold (1988). The army and politics in Indonesia. Ithaca:
Cornell University Press.
Hiscock, Geoff (1998). "All the way with B.J.," The Australian ,
24 Maret.
Makka, A. Makmur (1986). Setengah abad Prof. Dr.-Ing. B.J.
Jakarta: Biro Hukum dan Humas BPP Teknologi.
Salam, Solichin (1987). B.J. Habibie, mutiara dari Timur. Jakarta:
PT Intermasa.
Smith, Shannon L.D. (1996). Developing Batam: Indonesian political
economy under the New Order. Tesis Ph.D. pada ANU di Canberra.
Wibisono, Thomas (1995). "Timsco Group: bisnis Suyatim
Abdulrachman Habibie," Informasi, Monthly Newsletter, No. 1,
Januari. Jakarta: PDBI.
Winters, Jeffrey (1998). Notes on Habibie. 1 Maret.